By Ardeth Maung Thawnghmung
This paper sheds gentle at the actions of non-armed participants of ethnic minorities in Burma, insufficiently studied actors within the traditional research of ethnic politics in Burma that has lengthy been ruled via a spotlight on ethnonational armed resistance teams and ceasefire teams. targeting the Kachin, Karen, Mon, and Shan ethnic teams, the examine describes 9 significant financial, political, and geographical different types of civilian event, by means of 4 contributions that non-armed participants of ethnic minority teams may possibly make to the political approach: (1) aiding the established order, (2) reworking or undermining the established order, (3) selling collective identification and tradition and addressing humanitarian wishes, and (4) assisting to mediate ceasefire agreements. The learn demonstrates the necessity to pay attention to the whole variety of nonviolent political activities that exist between ethnic minority populations and argues that coverage responses needs to glance past the position of armed teams and develop into extra delicate to the desires of the various participants of ethnic groups.
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Extra resources for Beyond Armed Resistance: Ethnonational Politics in Burma (Myanmar)
In the Shan state, the USDP and the Shan party secured 35 percent and 21 percent of seats respectively (Horsey 2010: 5). 39 40 Ardeth Maung Thawnghmung Thus, in the Karen and Shan states, ethnic parties have more than 25 percent of the seats, allowing them to serve as a potential countervailing force against USDP and military domination, since they theoretically could initiate impeachment of regional public officeholders if they agree to vote as a block (Horsey 2010: 5). Many politicians (both pro- and anti-regime) who participated in the recent election rationalized their involvement by saying that the election, even if rigged, was the only way to expand channels for expressing ethnic minority (or other) grievances and to openly discuss policy matters.
In particular, members of religious minorities complain that it has been increasingly difficult for them get into the military academy or to get promoted to a senior position in civilian or military service. One young Karen Christian man, for example, said that his interviewers suggested he change his religious identity when he went for an interview for entrance to the military academy. Two Christian army captains known to the author (one half Karen and half Burmese, the other Burmese) did not get promoted to major, while all their Burman Buddhist colleagues were promoted (anonymous sources, Rangoon, July 2010 and March 2011).
Two Christian army captains known to the author (one half Karen and half Burmese, the other Burmese) did not get promoted to major, while all their Burman Buddhist colleagues were promoted (anonymous sources, Rangoon, July 2010 and March 2011). Entering the military academy and getting promoted within the military service do not seem to be such an issue among minority groups who are Buddhists (interviews with Shan Buddhists, Taungyi, February 2011). A popular saying in Burma is that people who are members of the ABC group (AIDS patients, hepatitis B patients, and Christians) are systematically discriminated against in government employment.
Beyond Armed Resistance: Ethnonational Politics in Burma (Myanmar) by Ardeth Maung Thawnghmung